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During the 1940s, while the generals ran the government, Colonel Juan Domingo Peron served as a minister of labor in a junta government. Peron was first elected president in 1946 and was extremely popular even though he was an authoritarian ruler. Peron was a populist, a nationalist and a fascist sympathizer. His followers formed the Peronist Party. Peron appealed to the working class with higher wages, pensions, stronger unions and other benefits. He won the loyalty of the soldiers by increasing the military budget. Peron developed nationalism and enhanced Argentinean pride by taking control of foreign-owned resources and industries. He increased government spending, built up manufacturing, and increased taxes on farm production.
Peron altered the constitution to increase his powers and to allow himself a second-term as president. (Argentina's constitution allowed one term of six years.) He suspended freedoms of speech and press. His charm and appeal to Argentina's national pride helped him remain popular. He and his second wife, Eva, a former film and radio star, became heroes of the downtrodden. Eva Duarte de Peron (Evita) was a powerful leader and ally for her husband. She was worshipped by the working class and poor. She obtained the right to vote for women and founded women's political (Feminismo) and social service organizations. Eva supported the construction of schools, hospitals, clinics, and nursing homes. She had millions of shoes, sewing machines, and other household goods distributed to the poor. The masses held huge demonstrations of support and affection for her. She assisted Peron in his rise to power. Peron's popularity dropped rapidly following her early death in 1952 from cancer.
Following Peron's death his third wife, Isabel, became Latin America's first woman president. She had no experience in government. The country was torn by extreme inflation (300 percent) and terrorism. Guerrilla groups bombed, kidnapped and carried out executions, disrupting the country. In 1976 military leaders arrested Isabel Peron and took control of the government.
Post-Peron: Military Leaders 1976-1982; The "Dirty War" and the Falkland Islands War
After the arrest of Isabel Peron the military leaders, led by General Jorge Videla, dissolved the Congress, outlawed political parties, banned worker strikes ,and eliminated free press. The military then focused its attentions on the dissidents and guerrilla groups. In the late 1970s, the military began a guerra sucia, or "dirty war." The leaders were able to destroy the power of their enemies with a violent campaign of kidnapping and killing. In 1986 lists of the nearly 9,000 disappeared were published.
Argentina's economy continued to decline, especially in 1982, during the Falkland Islands War. Both Argentina and Great Britain claim the islands three hundred miles off Argentina's coast. The Falklands War lasted seventy-two days. Argentina surrendered but did not give up claim to the Falkland Islands. Great Britain and Argentina did not resume trade or political ties for seven years following the downfall of the military commanders. The renewed call for elections in 1983 led to the election of Raul Alfonsin as president in December of 1983. He restored the 1853 constitution.
Return to Democracy, Raul Alfonsin: 1983-1989
Raul Alfonsin, the first freely elected civilian president in twenty-five years, moved swiftly to undo the influence of military rule. He arrested dozens of officers for human rights violations, brought greater democracy to the powerful trade unions, and took steps to ease Argentina's economic crisis. Alfonsin was able to win 52 percent of the vote against the Peronist candidate. He drew support from the middle classes and from the workers. The Justicialista Party, associated with the labor-based Peronist movement that had dominated Argentine politics from the 1940s through the early 1970s, was expected to win. Alfonsin was able to identify the Peronists with the failed policies of the former military rule.
Despite all of Alfonsin's policies, changes, and attempts to control inflation, the nation's economic problems overwhelmed his administration. By the summer of 1989, Argentina was in the worst economic crisis of its history. Hyperinflation led to food riots and looting. One-fourth of the nation's population had been thrown into poverty. Power outages, supply shortages, factory lay-offs, and closings forced Alfonsin to resign five months before the end of his six-year term.
Democracy in Action: Carlos Saul Menem: 1989-Present
Elected president May 14, 1989, Carlos Menem represented the nation's first transfer of power from one constitutionally elected party to another since 1928. Union backed, he is the first Peronist (after Juan) elected. Riots over high food prices led President Alfonsin to resign on June 30, 1989. Amidst the turmoil, Menem took office five months early on July 8, 1989. Once in office he surprised Argentines by pushing for freer markets and a reduced government role. He took steps to privatize the state-owned telephone company, suspend subsidies to private businesses, and to reduce losses at the central bank. In essence, Menem sought to reverse Peron's nationalization of industry and resources by privatizing large state owned industries. By 1994, the inflation rate was at 4 percent. His popularity, has continued to the point that he was able to gain enough support to change the Argentine constitution, thus allowing him to run in 1995 for a second term as president. This second term would be for four years rather than six.
Lloyd, James H. (ed) Comparing Nations: Case Studies. Los Angeles: West Publishing, 1999. (pp. 13-15)
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Desmond Tutu
In 1986, Desmond Tutu, the first black bishop of Johannesburg was appointed Archbishop of Cape Town, head of the Anglican Church in South Africa. Tutu had been active against apartheid all his life. He was the focal point of the black-white struggle during the 1980s while most other black leaders were in prison or exile. Tutu received the Nobel Peace Prize for his efforts.
By 1986, P. W. Botha called apartheid an outdated concept. His Nationalist government admitted that its apartheid and homeland policies were not working. In June of that year, the country was in a state of emergency. Unemployment and industrial unrest were growing. More important, foreign companies and investors were leaving. Botha abolished the pass laws, one symbol of apartheid most resented by blacks. Influential white businessmen began to recognize that the only way forward was for the white minority to share power with the black majority. However in 1987, Botha's party was returned to office by a larger majority than when he was first elected. The prospects of the repeal of major apartheid laws and of initiating black-white negotiations diminished.
As unrest continued, Botha realized that Mandela was the key to solving the issue and in July, 1989, slipped him out of prison to meet and discuss solutions. They issued a joint message of commitment to peace. In his silence while in prison, Mandela had become South Africa's most persuasive presence&emdash;an inspiration to blacks and a recrimination to whites.
F. W. DeKlerk
One month later, F. W. DeKlerk succeeded Botha and announced his goal&emdash;to totally change South Africa. Although DeKlerk had a reputation as a cautious reformer, it was not generally supposed that his presidency would see a decisive break with past policies. His readiness to embrace change surprised both blacks and whites. On February 11, 1990, DeKlerk freed Mandela from prison. South Africa began a revolutionary reform process, taking steps to abolish apartheid. Classification by race was ended in June of 1991, and a new constitution was proposed. After months of negotiations, DeKlerk and Mandela agreed to the new constitution and arranged the transition to a fully democratic South Africa.
DeKlerk and Mandela
Now free from prison, Mandela refocused on goals he had set out to achieve four decades earlier. He sat down with DeKlerk to discuss the future of South Africa. DeKlerk wished to preserve the country from further chaos and violence, while Mandela sought to end apartheid. At first the men got along well, but they soon began to disagree. Both had very strong opinions, and being attorneys, both were skilled at compromise. Eventually, they became frustrated and broke off contact, except through written communication. The two government ministers meeting in their place agreed to establish a government of national unity after the free elections of April 1994. Both Mandela and DeKlerk agreed to this. After agreeing to the new constitution, Mandela and DeKlerk shared the 1993 Nobel Peace Prize for their joint efforts.
President Mandela and the Rainbow Nation
April 27, 1994, at 12:01 A.M., white rule in South Africa came to an end. Crowds in the nine new provincial capitals cheered as a new national flag&emdash;with six colors symbolizing the people, their blood, their land, the gold under the ground, the sky, and peace&emdash;was raised over the new "rainbow nation." A few days later, blacks stood in line to vote for the first time. Mandela's victory was overwhelming. In his cabinet he appointed his ANC colleagues, F. W. De Klerk and a Zulu tribal leader, Mangosuthu Buthelezi. At the May inauguration South Africa was remarkably peaceful, with people of all races and political views mixing and embracing.
The Truth and Reconciliation Committee headed by Archbishop Tutu is investigating human rights abuses of the nation's past. Testimony is being given by former security police and victims of atrocities, and from widows seeking the remains of their dead husbands. More than 10,000 victims have recounted their ordeals. An additional 6,000 perpetrators have requested amnesty in exchange for confessing their abuses. The ANC has given full support to the amnesty process. The hope is for reconciliation through truth, which seems to be working. Getting answers seems to be more important than getting even. Seventy-five percent of South Africans in 1996 were in favor of giving amnesty to those who confess their crimes.
Problems like these face the rainbow government and need to be addressed if it is to survive. South Africa's upcoming election could be a turning point for the nation and its continuing transition to democracy.
Lloyd, James H. (ed) Comparing Nations: Case Studies. Los Angeles: West Publishing, 1999. (pp. 20-21)
HISTORY-SOCIAL SCIENCE CONTENT STANDARDS
10.10 Students analyze instances of nation-building in the contemporary world in at least two of the following regions or countries: the Middle East, Africa, Mexico and other parts of Latin America, and China.
For additional information see the California Department of Education web site at: http://www.cde.ca.gov/be/st/ss/documents/histsocscistnd.pdf
ADDITIONAL RESOURCES CHECK THESE LINKS:
